Asser International Sports Law Blog

Our International Sports Law Diary
The Asser International Sports Law Centre is part of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut

[Advanced professional training] Responding to human rights abuse in sport: Safe, effective & appropriate investigation - 5-6 March

Register now for the second edition of our advanced professional training and learn how to respond in a safe, appropriate, and effective way to cases of human rights abuse in sport. 

In recent years, the world of sport has seen a rise in reports of cases of emotional, psychological, physical, and sexual abuse. Sport has often struggled to respond in a safe, effective and appropriate way to these cases.  This has, at best, led to missed opportunities to improve and strengthen prevention mechanisms.  At worst, it has caused retraumatisation and additional harm to those affected. 

This professional training uses real life challenges from past investigations to provide insight into how (not) to respond to reports and allegations of sport-related cases of abuse. It will provide you with tools and knowledge on how to deal with abuse cases while protecting those affected, complying with human rights, and upholding the integrity of sport.

Register HERE

Widespread abuse in sports
The last five years have seen a huge uptick in reports of cases of emotional psychological, physical and sexual abuse in sport. All over the world, across different sports, non-recent and recent cases have come to light: abuse allegations in Dutch gymnastics and US gymnastics, the abuse of female basketball players in Mali, systematic abuse of child athletes in Japan, the abuse of young boys within the English football, or children in other grass-roots sport in Germany, the sexual abuse ofwomen’s football national teams in Afghanistan and Haiti, or the recent sexual assault against a player of the Spanish women’s national football team, to mention but a few.

Ineffective response
Responses from the relevant entities like sport organisations and governments have often fallen short of both the expectations of those impacted, and internationally recognised human rights standards. Some organisations have failed to initiate any investigation whatsoever, while others have commissioned or led inadequate responses. This has resulted in strong  criticism from affected persons, their representatives, and other civil society organisations. However, until now sport has not benefited from  any real  clarity or consistency around good practice on how to respond in a safe, adequate and effective way to allegations of abuse. This course seeks to address that.

Register HERE

Good practice based on research and experience
The Centre for Sport and Human Rights (CSHR) has conducted a study, in conjunction with victims, survivors, and whistleblowers of abuse across continents and sporting disciplines, and based on the learnings developed and published a guidance on how to conduct safe, appropriate and effective investigations into abuse cases in sport.  In this professional training, the Asser Institute partners with CSHR to connect practical research-based guidelines with relevant legal norms and procedures to address human rights abuses in sport. 

What will you learn? 

  •   How (not) to respond to reports and allegations of sport-related cases of abuse 

  •   Knowledge and experience in responding to such cases in a way that protects the affected person from further harm and complies with human rights 

  •    The role that investigations play in access to remedy more broadly 

Download the full programme

Speakers:

  • Kat Craig (CSHR)
  • Dr Daniela Heerdt (Asser Institute)
  • Joanna Maranhão (4x Olympians and Survivor Network Coordinator)
  • Loïc Alves (Senior Legal Counsel at FIFPRO)
  • Peter Nicholson (Head of Investigations and Intelligence Athletics Integrity Unit and Ethics Officer ICC)

Register HERE

Sport is sailing rudderless into geopolitical storms - Russia and Israel responses show how absence of rules makes FIFA and the IOC tools of the global north - By Nick McGeehan

Editor's note: Nicholas McGeehan is co-director of human rights research and advocacy group FairSquare, which works among other things on the nexus between sport and authoritarianism. He is a former senior researcher at Human Rights Watch and holds a PhD in international law from the European University Institute in Florence.


Boycotts, divestments and sanctions are each controversial and contentious in their own right, but when combined under the right conditions, they have explosive potential. BBC football presenter Gary Lineker found this out to his cost when he retweeted a call from Palestine’s BDS movement to suspend Israel from FIFA and the International Olympic Committee (IOC)  until such time the Israeli state ends what they called “the crime of genocide it is perpetrating in Gaza” and its occupation of Palestinian territory. Lineker quickly deleted his retweet but not before the UK’s most popular right-wing tabloid newspaper, The Daily Mail, spotted it and renewed their fulminating campaign against Lineker’s support for political causes that run contrary to the Mail’s editorial positions. The Daily Mail does not oppose sporting boycotts, in fact judging from an article by its football columnist, Martin Samuel, it was an ardent supporter of Russia’s ejection from European football in the aftermath of its invasion of Ukraine. “Why should Russian football get to be part of the continent in which it has murdered innocents?,” asked Samuel  and in that regard he was not alone and was echoing views heard across the political divide in the west at the time. 

The west continues to boycott Russia, its companies have divested from Russia, and its governments are sanctioning Russia. This includes in the sporting arena where nobody batted an eyelid when Russian football teams were excluded from FIFA and UEFA competition, and its athletes excluded from IOC competition.  So it seems obvious that it  is not so much BDS tactics that offend people in certain quarters, but rather their target. Russia can be BDS’d until the cows come home, but BDS’ing Israel is beyond the pale. You can see how it might be hard to explain to a child.

Through an examination of the widely divergent responses to Russia’s actions in Ukraine and Israel’s actions in Gaza, this piece argues that FIFA and the IOC have aligned themselves with the political positions of the countries of the global north. With reference to previous sporting boycotts, it demonstrates how an absence of rules has left FIFA and the IOC sailing rudderless into stormy geopolitical waters and argues that they need to institute rules to guide their responses to events of this gravity and magnitude. Dispensing once and for all with the canard that sport and politics can be kept apart would enable sport’s governing bodies to appropriately leverage their political power and not merely act as puppets of the global north. More...


[Online Event] The aftermath of the Women's World Cup final: FIFA's and UEFA's responsibility in the Jenni Hermoso case

Join us on 14 December at 12:00 CET for an online discussion on FIFA and UEFA’s responsibility in responding to the incident that overshadowed Spains’ victory of the Women's World Cup, when Spanish national team player Jennifer Hermoso experienced a violation of her bodily integrity and physical autonomy due to a forced kiss given to her by Luis Rubiales, then the Spanish FA's president. 


During the 2023/2024 academic year, the Asser International Sports Law Centre dedicates special attention to the intersection between transnational sports law and governance and gender. This online discussion is the second in a series of (online and offline) events, which explore the way in which international sports governing bodies define the gender divide in international sports, police gender-based abuses, and secure gender-specific rights to athletes. You can watch the recording of our first virtual discussion on the Semenya judgment of the ECtHR on our Youtube Channel.  


Just minutes after the Spanish women's national team had won the FIFA Women's World Cup, Rubiales congratulated the players on the podium and grabbed Hermoso's head and kissed her on the lips. This act not only shocked the players and the audience but also caused immediate international uproar and calls for resignation. Rubiales first defended his act, claiming that Hermoso had agreed to it. However, her statements right after it happened, as well as her official statement published just a few days after the event forcefully denied the consensual nature of the kiss. Hermoso felt “vulnerable and a victim of aggression, an impulsive act, sexist, out of place and without any type of consent". Three months later, Rubiales has been suspended by FIFA for three years, resigned as president of the Spanish FA, and is facing criminal prosecution for the crimes of sexual assault and coercion in Spanish national courts. 


As extreme as this case sounds, it is not. In fact, it is a reflection of structural issues that exist in the world of women's football and women's sport more generally. Furthermore, this incident raises the question of the rights of the players subjected to such behaviour and the responsibility of sports governing bodies, and FIFA and UEFA in particular, insanctioning those who are engaging in such actions. How should SGBs respond to such incidents? What type of rules and procedures should they have in place? What are the measures that should be introduced to prevent similar actions in the future? What is the role of states (the Spanish state in the present instance) in investigating and prosecuting these cases?  


We look forward to discussing these issues (and many others) with our three speakers, who have followed the case closely: 

  • Kat Craig, human rights lawyer, founder and CEO of Athlead, Senior Adviser to the Centre for Sport and Human Rights; 

  • Alexandra Gómez Bruinewoud, is a Senior Legal Counsel at FIFPRO and a judge at the FIFA Dispute Resolution Chamber; 

  • Borja Garcia is Reader in Sport Policy and Governance at School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences in Loughborough University


The online discussion will be introduced and moderated by Dr Antoine Duval and Dr Daniela Heerdt, and will include short presentations by the speakers and a Q&A with the audience. 


This is a free event, you can register for it HERE

[Conference] International Sports Law Journal Annual Conference - Asser Institute - 26-27 October

On 26 and 27 October 2023, the Asser Institute in The Hague will host the 2023 edition of the International Sports Law Journal (ISLJ) Conference. The ISLJ is the leading academic journal in transnational sports law and governance and is proud to provide a platform for transnational scholarly exchanges on the state of the field. The conference will address a number of complex issues and disputes at the top of the transnational sports law agenda. In particular, we will zoom in on three main topics:

 

How football governance is (re)shaped by EU law

Since the Bosman ruling of the European Court of Justice (CJEU) in 1995, it has been obvious to football fans around the world that the European Union (EU) has a considerable influence on the governance and regulation of professional football. This year, 2023, provides us a striking reminder of this fact with (at least) two fundamental judgments of the Grand Chamber of the CJEU expected in the Superleague case and the UEFA’s home-grown players rule. Additionally, two further cases, which are challenging FIFA’s transfer system and its agent regulations, remain pending before the Luxembourg court. We will be looking closely at this relationship between EU law and the governance football through two panels (featuring senior and junior researchers) and a keynote lecture delivered by one of the finest observers of this encounter: Prof. Stephen Weatherill (Oxford University).

 

Autonomy and neutrality in the transnational governance of sports 

The invasion of Ukraine by Russia has postponed (once again) the end of history and revived within the Olympic Movement fundamental debates dating back to the Cold War and South-African Apartheid. Can the Olympic Movement stay neutral in the face of a clear violation of international law by Russia and of war crimes being committed by its armed forces? What should the consequences be in terms of the participation of Russian athletes and teams in international sporting competitions? If they are allowed to participate, under what conditions should they be competing? All these questions are ultimately connected to the definition and practice of the autonomy and neutrality of sport vis-a-vis international law and politics and will be at the heart of the another set of presentations at the ISLJ conference and a digital bridge with the Symposium on Sport & Neutrality organised in Lillehammer by the Inland Norway University of Applied Sciences.

 

The transnational regulation of gender by sports governing bodies

Our third focus area for this year’s conference will be the regulation and governance of gender boundaries by SGBs. The recent and ground-breaking decision of the European Court of Human Rights in the Semenya case crystallises the contemporary importance of questions related to the division between genders in the context of international sports. Furthermore, the ongoing and heated debates on the participation of transgender athletes in female competitions are also highlighting the importance of the decisions taken by SGBs in this regard. We will be hosting a specific Panel tackling these issues and will be welcoming Prof. Silvia Camporesi (University of Vienna and King’s College London) for a keynote lecture connecting the legal debates with ethical and philosophical considerations.

 

More information and registration HERE

 

Download the full programme

 

Online participation available

Following the success of last year's webinar option, we are once again allowing online participation to the conference at an affordable price. Thus, we hope to internationalise and diversify our audience and to reach people who are not in a position to travel to The Hague.

We look forward to welcoming you in person in The Hague or digitally to this new iteration of the ISLJ conference.

[Advanced Professional Training] EU competition law and transnational sports governance - 24-25 October 2023

On 24 and 25 October, the Asser Institute will host an advanced professional training co-organised by Ben Van Rompuy and Antoine Duval focused on 'EU competition law and transnational sports governance'. The training is building on their experience acting as legal advisors for the complaint submitted to the European Commission (EC) by two Dutch speed-skaters, Mark Tuitert and Niels Kerstholt, against the International Skating Union (ISU), leading to the first negative decision rendered by the EC against an international sports governing body (SGB).  

 

The training will consist of: 

  • An in-depth introduction to the specific application of EU competition law to transnational sports governance
  • Specific sessions on the different (national, European and transnational) processes (both judicial and administrative) through which EU competition law claims can be raised against international SGBs
  • A concrete case study during which the group will be divided into teams representing different sides of a competition law claim involving an SGB
  • A round-table with  leading experts in EU competition law and sports for an interactive discussion on future developments in this area

 

[More information and registration HERE]

 

Why this professional training? 

Transnational sports governance is not neutral, its exercise comes with considerable economic effects and consequences, which can be controversial. In recent years we have witnessed an uptick of challenges on the basis of EU competition law against the governance decisions of international SGBs. In 2017, the European Commission for the first time adopted a decision finding a sporting rule (the ISU’s Eligibility Rules prohibiting skaters from participating in third-party events) in violation of EU competition law. Since then, we have seen a string of decisions by national competition authorities and high-profile private actions being launched against, for instance, UEFA and FIFA by the European Super League Company, football club Royal Antwerp F.C. or football agents. In short, EU competition law has become the main legal avenue through which regulations and decisions of international SGBs are being contested– both from outside the Olympic family and within. It is therefore crucial that sports stakeholders become proficient in the language of EU competition law, in understanding the specificities of its application to transnational sports governance, and in grasping the intricacies of the legal processes that can be used to do so. 

 

Is this training for you? 

This training is primarily aimed at professionals involved in the field of sports governance, such as legal counsels of SGBs, practicing lawyers active in the sports sector, public servants involved in the enforcement of competition law in the sporting context, and representatives of athletes, clubs and other sports stakeholders.  The advanced training will be both interactive, focusing on open exchanges between experts and participants, and participative, with the preparation of a case study in smaller groups.  

 

[More information and registration HERE]

 

Speakers include:

 

[More information and registration HERE]

 

Programme

Day 1 - Tuesday, 24 October

 

12:30 – 13:00 - Registration

13:00 – 13:30 - Welcome and introduction - Antoine Duval & Ben Van Rompuy

13:30 – 15:00 - How EU competition law applies to transnational sports governance: Key doctrines and cases  - Antoine Duval & Ben Van Rompuy

15:00 – 15:30 Coffee Break

15:30 – 16:30 - Bringing a competition law case against SGBs before the European Commission: Lessons from the ISU case  - Ben Van Rompuy & Antoine Duval

16:30 – 17:30 - Bringing a competition law case against SGBs in national courts: The German experience -  Mark E. Orth

17:30 – 18:00 - Bringing a competition law case against SGBs before the CAS: Opportunities and challenges -  Antoine Duval

19:00 - Dinner

 

Day 2 - Wednesday, 25 October

 

9:00 – 12:00 - Case study on FIFA’s Football Agent Regulations and EU competition law - Antoine Duval, Ben Van Rompuy, Mark E. Orth

12:00 – 13:00 Lunch

13:00 – 15:00 - Case study on FIFA’s Football Agent Regulations and EU competition law - Antoine Duval, Ben Van Rompuy, Mark E. Orth, An Vermeersch and Stephen Weatherill

15:00 – 15:30 - Coffee Break

15:30 – 17:00 - Closing discussion on the future of EU competition law and transnational sports governance - Antoine Duval, Ben Van Rompuy, Mark E. Orth, An Vermeersch, and Stephen Weatherill  

[Online Event] The ECtHR's  Semenya  ruling: A human rights game-changer for the transnational governance of sport? - 13 October 2023

During the 2023/2024 academic year, the Asser International Sports Law Centre will dedicate special attention to the intersection between transnational sports law and governance and gender. This online discussion is the first of a series of (online and offline) events which will explore the way in which international SGBs and the CAS define the gender divide in international sports, police gender-based abuses, and secure gender-specific rights to athletes.


Caster Semenya, a South-African runner and Olympic champion, was dominating her favorite distance, the 800m, for a number of years, when in 2018 the World Athletics (then known as IAAF) adopted a new set of regulations (colloquially known as the DSD Regulations), which imposed new conditions to the eligibility of athletes for certain female competitions, such as the 800m. Semenya, who has a condition known as differences in sex development (DSD), was forced to decide between subjecting to a specific medical treatment aimed at diminishing the level of testosterone in her body or stopping competing on her preferred distance. As she refused to undergo any medical treatment to regain eligibility, she decided to challenge the legality of World Athletics DSD Regulations before the CAS in Lausanne. While the CAS acknowledged that the Regulations were discriminatory and were disregarding the legal sex of Semenya in the name of a so-called sporting sex, the arbitrators also considered that this discrimination was justified and proportionate. Semenya’s challenge against the award was rejected by the Swiss Federal Tribunal (SFT) in August 2020. As a last resort, she decided to lodge an application with ECtHR against Switzerland.


On 11 July 2023, the ECtHR released its judgment in the much-awaited Caster Semenya v. Switzerland case. In short, the Strasbourg Court sided with Semenya and concluded that Switzerland failed to comply with its positive obligations stemming from the European Convention on Human Rights. The ruling is an important milestone in the interaction between the CAS and (European) human rights law. It will likely affect the place of human rights (and in particular the ECHR) at the CAS, the intensity of the supervision exercised by the SFT, as well as the justification of the regulatory decisions of the SGBs. We look forward to discussing these with our two speakers, who have followed closely the case and already blogged (here and here) about the judgment:


The online discussion will be introduced and moderated by Dr. Antoine Duval and Dr. Daniela Heerdt, and will include short presentations by the speakers and a Q&A with the audience.


Registration is available for free at: https://www.asser.nl/education-events/events/?id=4325

The State of Football Governance - Advocate General Szpunar Paves the Way for a Critical Assessment of the Status Quo - By Robby Houben (University of Antwerp) & Siniša Petrović (University of Zagreb)

Editor's noteRobby Houben is a professor at the University of Antwerp, specializing in sports enterprise law and corporate law. He founded the University of Antwerp’s Football College, championing good governance in professional football. He is editor of the Research Handbook on the Law of Professional Football Clubs (Edward Elgar Publishing 2023). Siniša Petrović is a professor at the University of Zagreb, specializing in sports law and corporate law.


Mid-March, the YouTube channel The Overlap released an interview with Aleksander Čeferin, the current president of UEFA. Asked about the Super League’s court case against UEFA, Čeferin referred to it as ‘mainly symbolical’. This statement reveals a deep trust in the status quo. In this short note we assess if such trust is justified. On the basis of advocate general (AG) Szpunar’s recent opinion in a case on home grown player rules, we argue it is not. 

What is it about? On 9 March, AG Szpunar of the Court of Justice of the EU (‘CJEU’) delivered his opinion in the case of Royal Antwerp FC against the Royal Belgian Football Association (‘RBFA’) and the European Football Association UEFA. The case relates to the so-called ‘home grown players’ rule (‘HGP rule’). This rule requires clubs to include at least 8 locally trained players in the list of 25 players that make the A team. According to Szpunar, this likely amounts to an indirect nationality discrimination and, at least, to a restriction of the free movement rights of football players under Article 45 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the EU (‘TFEU’). Nevertheless, the AG considers the HGP rule valid as such, as, according to him, it serves the legitimate aims of stimulating the training of youth players and increasing the competitive balance between clubs. Only insofar as it allows that home grown players includes players trained by another club in the same league (under the UEFA HGP rule, 4 out of 8 home grown players), instead of by the club itself, the HGP rule is not suitable to achieve these aims. His recommendation to the court is, hence, to partially invalidate the HGP rule. He would likely find a (future) HGP rule requiring home grown players to be trained only at the club compatible with EU law. 

Is sport so special that it deserves special treatment? On the basis of Wouters and Meca-Medina it is widely accepted that restrictions of competition in sports can be justified if they proportionately pursue legitimate aims. Interestingly, in his assessment of the proportionality of the HGP rule, AG Szpunar seems to do Wouters away as a peculiar case. He finds ‘it difficult to deduce a general principle … according to which private entities bound by Article 45 TFEU would have a greater discretion than that of Member States in comparable situations’. Moreover, he argues, such greater discretion may be warranted in matters transcending classical economic policy, but the HGP rule has a strong economic component and is not such a matter (paras 76-78). As a result, Szpunar sees no reason ‘to afford UEFA and the RBFA a wider discretion than would be the norm for a Member State to justify a restriction of Article 45 TFEU’ (para 78). So, no specific exceptions for football that do not apply to other economic sectors! Wrong, because, at the same time, the AG allows to justify the HGP rule in view of legitimate aims, in this case youth development and competitive balance. Hence, while closing the back door for exceptional treatment of football in his assessment of proportionality, he opens the front door for such exceptional treatment as a matter of principle quite widely - without really underpinning why, nor providing evidence of why football is so special compared to let’s say universities or hospitals, who educate youngsters too, undoubtedly for the public good, and don’t enjoy such special treatment. 

But let’s assume sport is somehow special and deserves a special treatment. Does the HGP rule serve both the aim of youth development and increasing competitive balance? Probably not. It seems the aims are conflated here. Yes, the HGP rule serves the aim of encouraging the training of players (at professional football clubs that is), and arguably it makes sense to incentivize clubs to train players. But it is unlikely that this will contribute to more competitive balance between clubs. This has to do with the territorial model of football: ‘domestic’ competitions are organized along national borders. Clubs from larger countries logically have a larger talent pool to recruit young players from than clubs from smaller countries, and therefore they likely have a competitive advantage. Moreover, assuming the pool of talented young players is larger in bigger countries, it is likely that these youngsters will add sporting value to the A-team. That’s a win-win. In smaller countries, clubs will typically have a tougher job recruiting domestic top talent, simply because the pool is smaller. Adding to that is that the real top youngsters of smaller countries will probably sign their first professional player contract with a club of a top tier foreign competition, leaving only the ‘best of the rest’ for the local clubs. At the age of 16, the next Kevin De Bruyne will of course become a ‘club-trained’ local player somewhere, but not in a Belgian club. Cutting a long story short, from the perspective of fair competition, the HGP rule is not neutral and favors clubs that happen to reside in larger countries. 

Overboard with domestic borders then? That is what small Luxemburg club Swift Hespérange claims. Swift argues its free movement rights and free competition is infringed because it has to play football within the Luxembourg borders. As a result, it cannot grow and become competitive with clubs from surrounding leagues. Szpunar’s opinion provides food for thought for this case too, as he recognizes that the territorial model of football favors clubs in larger countries more than clubs in smaller countries (paras 68 and 70). His opinion therefore seems to accord with Swift’s intuition. 

How could a HGP rule become more neutral in a territorial model of football, with club football organized along domestic borders? Arguably, the rule could concentrate on the under 21 teams, and/or under 23 teams, where training actually takes place, allowing clubs to compose their A-teams with the best players, regardless of where they were trained. Talented club-trained young players will make their way to A-teams on the basis of merit. Clubs could be incentivized to field club-trained players in their A-team through increased solidarity payments from centralized earnings. Such an approach could serve both the aims of stimulating the training of players and increasing (or better: not deteriorating) the competitiveness of local clubs. 

Is this THE solution? We don’t know, and we don’t pretend to know. We raise it to illustrate a point: the importance of alternative systems to the HGP rule in the Antwerp case. AG Szpunar rightly asserts that the burden of proof to evidence that a rule is proportionate in view of legitimate aims, so that it can be upheld instead of invalidated, lies with the claimant of such exception, in the Antwerp case UEFA and the RBFA (para 61). Remarkably, the proportionality of the HGP rule is subsequently simply assumed. Moreover, alternatives brought forward by Antwerp, whereas the burden of proof lay with UEFA and the RBFA, were put aside as more restrictive, and considered not to be equally effective without much consideration (paras 79-81). Is it not more in line with logic that when the burden of proof falls upon a party, if it fails to discharge it then its claim is simply denied? More fundamentally, if rules are simply assumed to pursue legitimate objectives instead of evidenced to do so, is this not an open invitation for ‘sports washing’, the equivalent of green washing in sports? Of course, judges are not industry experts. As a result, we may not reasonably expect too much. Regulators must have leeway to make choices. But judges can and should perform oversight, assuring: i) rules are at least aiming for the target, ii) the regulator effectively considered alternatives, iii) there are good reasons for the regulator to prefer the chosen solution over another. If the questioned rule fails this test, it should be declared invalid – and the regulator should be sent back to the drawing board.[1]

So, AG Szpunar’s opinion is not perfect. Yet, it certainly puts the finger on the sore spot of football governance: double hatting and the inherent conflicts of interest that brings. In this respect, AG Szpunar’s opinion seems to provide counterweight to AG Rantos’ opinion in the European Super League (‘ESL’) case (see the subtill ‘in this respect’ in fn 39 of Szpunar’s opinion). In essence, AG Rantos argues that UEFA’s potential design errors are irrelevant, as the ESL, because of its (at the time) semi-closed set-up, should have been rejected anyway. He even asserts that open sport competitions are a constitutional principle of EU law, enshrined in Article 165 TFEU. This is a (too) far stretch, notably not repeated by AG Szpunar. Moreover, Szpunar makes UEFA’s governance deficit so much more explicit than Rantos. Because UEFA is both the regulator and monopolist of European club football, Szpunar considers that conflicts of interest are ‘bound to arise’ (in the French official version: ‘inévitable’; in Dutch: ‘onvermijdelijk’ – so: inevitable). Moreover, confronted with such conflict, he believes UEFA and domestic football regulators will have a natural reflex to let their own commercial interests prevail over the public interest (para 58). 

AG’s Szpunar’s opinion is authoritative, and probably even more than usual. Szpunar is first advocate general, and primus inter pares. His opinion will weigh in on the other football cases pending before the CJEU too, especially the ESL case and the aforementioned Swift case. As such, it could serve as a ‘canary in the coalmine’ for what is still to come later this year. Anyway, if the CJEU judges in the ESL case follow Szpunar’s assessment of UEFA’s double hatting, those who were celebrating the status quo after the Rantos opinion might be in for a scare soon.  

2023 is a year of truth for the organization of professional football. Dissatisfaction with the status quo has led to a record number of football related cases before the CJEU. These cases are heard separately, but at the same time inevitably interconnected, because they run in parallel on similar subject matters. Szpunar’s opinion makes at least clear that all cards are still on the table and the status quo might not prevail. 

Courts can only do what they are allowed to: apply the law in a given case. They can’t solve football’s governance deficit. Only politicians can ‘save football from itself’ by regulating it and by tackling policy failures exposed by professional football’s commercial explosion fueled primarily by clubs and players. Stakeholders such as clubs and players deserve a seat at the decision-making table in a governance model for pro football 2.0. For example, it is not acceptable any more for football regulators with no skin in the game to continue to congest match calendars (40 or so more matches in the 2026 World Cup !) without consulting clubs and players. Furthermore, the cleanest way to resolve conflicts of interest once and for all would be to separate UEFA’s functions - at least to ensure that adequate procedures are in place to avoid, mitigate and make transparent conflict of interests (in that order), and allowing access to public courts for judicial scrutiny. To be meaningful, such action should be taken at EU level, so as to create a level playing field for clubs across Europe and – because of the ‘Brussels’ effect – beyond.  

We are not naïve. There is no political appetite for reforming football yet. That was made clear during the ESL hearing early July 2022, where more than 20 Member States intervened in support of UEFA and the status quo. But, one, two or three critical decisions of the CJEU might inspire politicians to take action. That way, this wave of court cases may trigger a much more profound reform of the governance of the beautiful game.    

[1] In that sense AG Szpunar seems to go too far when in his answer to the court he suggests to invalidate the current HGP rule and already advises how the new rule should look – the latter is more a matter for the regulator.

Summer Programme - Sports and Human Rights - 27-30 June - Join us!

Join us for our unique training programme on ‘Sport and human rights’ jointly organised by the Centre for Sport and Human Rights and the Asser Institute  and hosted by FIFPRO. After the success of the first edition in 2022 the programme returns, focusing on the link between the sport and human rights and zooming in on a number of challenges underlying this link, such as the human rights impacts of day-to-day sports, the normative framework and applicability of the UNGPs in the sporting context,  the rights of athletes, gender and sports, remedies for sport-related human rights harms, and more. 


If you wish to join, register HERE.


Tackling contemporary human rights challenges in sport
The programme brings together the latest in academic research with practical experiences from working in the field in an interactive package, fostering productive exchanges between the speakers and participants. Theoretical knowledge will be complemented by exposure to hands-on know-how and exercises.

Participants will have the opportunity to learn from experts from the Asser Institute, the Centre for Sport and Human Rights, and FIFPRO, as well as high-profile external speakers from both academia and practice. 

Latest version of the full 4-day programme

What will you gain?

  • An extensive introduction to the emergence of the sport and human rights movement

  • A greater understanding of the normative framework for human rights standards in sport

  • A comprehensive overview of the latest developments in the interplay between gender and sports

  • Practical know-how to govern  human rights in the context of sporting organisations

  • Practical know-how to address  human rights risks in the context of day-to-day sports, including safeguarding

  • Practical know-how to access remedy in human rights disputes

  • The opportunity to engage in discussions and network with leading academics and professionals 

Topics addressed in this summer programme include:

  • The emergence of the sport and human rights discussion/movement

  • The integration of human rights in the governance of sport

  • The protection of athletes’ rights

  • Gender and sports

  • Access to remedy for sport-related human rights harms


If you wish to join, register HERE.


Scholarships

The Centre for Sport and Human Rights is funding a scholarship for an outstanding master student, PhD candidate, or civil society representative from an underrepresented group, including those from the global South, to participate in the Asser Institute’s summer programme ‘Sport and Human Rights’. More information is available on their website.

Interested candidates should apply by 31 March 2023, 20:00 CET through the CSHR website.


New Event! Governing European football: What role for the European Union? - 16 December - Brussels

Join us for a round table co-organized by GLawNet and the Asser Institute at the Campus Brussels of the Maastricht University (Avenue de Tervueren 153, 1150 Brussels) just one day after the publication of the Opinion of Advocate General Rantos in the European Super League (ESL) case. The discussion between academics and stakeholders will focus on the role played by the EU, as well as the role it ought to play, in determining the way football is organised and governed.


In 2021, the announcement of the creation of a breakaway European Super League (ESL), as well as the drama of its early demise, stunned the world.  Since then, the company behind the ESL and UEFA (as well as FIFA) are locked into a legal battle that will soon come to an end at the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU). Following the preliminary questions raised by a Spanish court, the CJEU will weigh in on whether UEFA and FIFA breached EU competition law with their attempts to thwart the emergence of the ESL. It will not be the first time that the governing bodies of football, both Swiss associations, face scrutiny before the EU courts - many will remember the 1995 Bosman ruling. However, this time around various stakeholders and observers are calling for the EU to not only referee this particular dispute, but to as well start playing a stronger governance role by regulating European football.


Programme:

15:00 – 15:05 Opening: Mariolina Eliantonio (Maastricht University)

15:05 – 16:30 - Roundtable: Governing European Football: What role for the European Union?
Moderator: Carlo Colombo (Maastricht University)

16:30 Reception


This is an In-Person event only and will take place at the Campus Brussels of the Maastricht University (Avenue de Tervueren 153, 1150 Brussels). If you wish to attend, please register HERE.


Supported by undefined

Call for Papers - How football changed Qatar (or not): Transnational legal struggles in the shadow of the FIFA World Cup 2022 - Deadline 6 January 2023

The FIFA World Cup 2022 in Qatar is now well under way, yet the relentless public debates around Qatar’s human rights record, be it regarding the rights of LGBTQ+ or the rights of migrant workers who built the infrastructure that underpin the competition, is not dying down. In fact, the whole build-up towards the event has been defined by an intense public scrutiny of Qatar, with civil society organizations and international labor unions engaging in continuous advocacy to report on and improve the living and working conditions of migrant workers active on Qatar’s many building sites. This issue also attracted attention and critique from both the international media and public authorities all around the globe. In fact, the question of Qatar’s (lack of) compliance with internationally recognized human rights and core labor standards caused so much negative publicity and external pressure that a number of legislative and institutional reforms were initiated, officially aimed at improving the rights and standing of migrant workers in Qatar. While it is highly disputed whether these reforms have led to actual changes on the ground or should be seen only as window-dressing, it remains clear that the global public attention brought to Qatar by its hosting of the FIFA World Cup 2022 has forced the Qatari authorities to engage legislative reforms and pay at least lip service to the concerns raised.

In spite of the fact that this issue continues to play a major role in the transnational public discourse, it received until now relatively scant attention in the academic literature, specifically in the international/transnational legal field. Yet, the debates around the Qatar 2022 World Cup are in practice mobilizing a range of legal arguments connected to the interpretation and application of international human rights law and international labor law, as well as activating international (at the ILO) or transnational (at the Swiss OECD National Contact Point) legal processes. Furthermore, they raise well-known questions regarding the compliance of states with international legal commitments and connect with debates on the universality of human rights and their translation in particular social contexts. In short, we believe there is room for a multi-disciplinary engagement with the legal processes and social mobilizations triggered by Qatar’s successful bid to host the FIFA World Cup 2022 and their impacts on local social and legal rules and institutions. Hence, Qatar’s journey towards the FIFA World Cup 2022 constitutes an interesting case study to investigate more generally the transnational social and legal mechanisms which underpin the concretization of international (human rights/labor) law in a particular context and give it a specific reality.

We invite paper submissions from different methodological backgrounds (e.g. law, anthropology, sociology, history, public policy) which engage with the many entanglements of Qatar with international (human rights and labor) law in the context of the organizing and hosting of the FIFA World Cup 2022. The papers will be first discussed in a digital workshop that will take place on 15 and 16 February 2023. Please note that we have an agreement with the German Law Journal (Open access journal on comparative, European and international law published by Cambridge University Press) to publish a selection of the papers.

If you wish to participate in the workshop and the ensuing publications, please send an abstract of max. 300 words and a CV to a.duval@asser.nl by 6 January 2023. The selected participants will be informed by 9 January 2023. Extended abstracts (2000 words) will be due on 6 February 2023.


Supported by German Law Journal

 

Asser International Sports Law Blog | Unpacking Doyen’s TPO Deals: FC Twente's Game of Maltese Roulette. By Antoine Duval and Oskar van Maren

Asser International Sports Law Blog

Our International Sports Law Diary
The Asser International Sports Law Centre is part of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut

Unpacking Doyen’s TPO Deals: FC Twente's Game of Maltese Roulette. By Antoine Duval and Oskar van Maren

The first part of our “Unpacking Doyen’s TPO deals” blog series concerns the agreements signed between Doyen Sports and the Dutch football club FC Twente. In particular we focus on the so-called Economic Rights Participation Agreement (ERPA) of 25 February 2014. Based on the ERPA we will be able to better assess how TPO works in practice. To do so, however, it is necessary to explore FC Twente’s rationale behind recourse to third-party funding. Thus, we will first provide a short introduction to the recent history of the club and its precarious financial situation. 

I. FC Twente 2004-2015

When local millionaire Joop Munsterman took over FC Twente in December 2003, the club was on the verge of bankruptcy. Munsterman certainly did not lack ambition and wanted to turn FC Twente into the best club of the Netherlands. With help of external investors, he quickly managed to reinforce the team with quality players such as the Swiss international Blaise N’kufo, the man who would later become FC Twente’s all-time top scorer. A few years later, in 2010, FC Twente won the Dutch League (Eredivisie), thereby defying the decade long dominance of Ajax, PSV and Feyenoord. By now the club was considered an example for a modern, innovative and successful football governance, and an inspiration for other smaller clubs. Through “excellent scouting” it managed to attract players from all over the world capable of winning the league and securing a spot in Europe’s most important and lucrative club competition, the UEFA Champions League. Moreover, Twente’s success on the field also led to financial success off the field. For example, Costa Rican international Bryan Ruiz was signed from KAA Gent in 2009 for €5 million and sold to Fulham in 2011 for €12.5 million, which makes for a healthy profit of €7.5 million.

The taste of the 2010 success and the additional earnings for participating in the Champions League created hunger for more. The club started spending large amounts of money on the transfer market, including the signings of Leroy Fer in 2011 for €5.5 million and Dusan Tadic in 2012 for €7.7 million. Furthermore, with the ambition of playing the Champions League consistently, the club decided to renovate and expand its stadium. Although FC Twente is the owner of the stadium, it did not have the means to finance the renovation. Therefore, it had recourse to external investors, including the municipality of Enschede, who provided a loan of €20 million.

Fast-forwarding to 2015, little is left of that over-ambitious FC Twente. The club currently finds itself in the lower ranks of the league table and is fearing relegation to the second league. Much-needed revenue from Champions League participation did not materialize since the club was not able to qualify after 2011 and many of the recent signings did not lead to transfer profits. In May 2014 the Dutch FA, KNVB, placed FC Twente into the so-called “Category 1”, a category dedicated to clubs in financial difficulties, which could face disciplinary sanctions if the financial situation is not improved swiftly.[1] In early 2014, FC Twente had probably taken on way too much financial risk and was in dire need of fresh money. In this context, the ERPA with Doyen was dearly needed to repay outstanding short-term debts. 

 Timeline.jpg (64KB)

II. The ERPA dissected

The ERPA between FC Twente and Doyen Sports is dated from 25 February 2014. The ERPA consists of two separate agreements: a first general agreement signed on 27 December 2013; and a second agreement added on 25 February 2014. By means of the ERPA, Doyen purchased part of the economic rights of seven players who at the time were all registered and playing for FC Twente, namely Castaignos, Promes, Ould Chikh, Mokhtar, Eghan, Ebecilio and Tadic. In return, Doyen provided FC Twente a fee for each of the players for a total amount of €5 million.

As stated, Doyen did not obtain all of the economic rights of the players, but only a share. The share acquired by Doyen varied from player to player and fluctuated between 10% (for Tadic) and 50% (for Castaignos). At first glance, the mechanism seems relatively straightforward: once a player is sold to another football club Doyen receives an amount equal to its share of the economic rights attached to the player. However, the story is a bit more complex. The ERPA provides for a minimum fee per player that is superior to the amount Doyen invested in that player. In other words, regardless of the transfer fee paid, Doyen will always make a profit. The bank always wins! Doyen’s minimum fee for each player has been set at a basic amount equivalent to the fee granted to FC Twente plus a fixed 10% to be increased at an annual rate of 10% elapsed as from 15 November 2013.  


The ERPA further sets out different scenarios which are described below.

 

A. Scenario 1&2: The Transfer offer

The first eventuality, and most likely the mutually desired one, is the transfer of the player. Under the first agreement (this part was central to its amendment), in case of a transfer offer for one of the players concerned by the agreement, FC Twente could choose to accept or reject the offer. If it accepted the offer, Doyen was entitled to the agreed share of the proceeds of the transfer. If this amount was inferior to Doyen’s minimum fee, then Twente had to pay the fee. In case Twente would refuse the offer, no further contractual consequences were foreseen. (Scenario 1). It appears from the latest release of footballleaks (available here) that the first agreement actually entailed a different scenario, which was later deleted from the ERPA and inserted in an additional agreement. This second agreement, added later to the ERPA and not communicated to the KNVB, radically changed the transfer scenario (Scenario 2). 

Under the second agreement, in case of a transfer offer equal or superior to the minimum market value of the player is received and rejected by the club, FC Twente is obliged to compensate Doyen by an amount equivalent to Doyen’s share of the proposed transfer fee. By way of illustration, say a given football club offers FC Twente €10 million for Castaignos, while his minimum market value is €8 million (see table 1). Should FC Twente reject this transfer offer it will be obliged to compensate Doyen for an amount of €5 million (50% of the proposed transfer fee of €10 million). Similarly, if the proposed transfer fee is equal or above 50% of the minimum market value and FC Twente rejects it, it could also be obliged to compensate Doyen. Using Castaignos again as an example, say the proposed transfer fee was not €10 million but €4 million. This amount is exactly 50% of Castaignos’ minimum market value. Should FC Twente decide to reject this offer and Doyen decides to make a written request to be compensated, Doyen could claim €2 million from FC Twente. 


 Scenario1.jpg (85.9KB)




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B. Scenario 3: Exchange of players

If Twente decides to exchange a player covered by the ERPA against another player, to which an additional fee might be added, the agreement foresees that Doyen will have three different options. First, Doyen can, in case of a partial exchange involving a complementary fee, decide to keep the same share of the economic rights attached to the new player and get the agreed share of the fee received by the club. If a one-to-one exchange takes place, Doyen can only keep the same share of the economic rights attached to the new player. Finally, in both types of exchanges, Doyen has the option to demand that FC Twente pays the minimum fee for the player.



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C. Scenario 4: A loan

In the third scenario, the player is loaned out to another club. If the loan fee received is higher than the wage bill of the player at FC Twente, the club makes a profit on the loan. Consequently, Doyen is entitled to receive a percentage of the loan fee. Doyen’s share of the loan fee is calculated on the basis of its share in the economic rights of the player concerned. If Castaignos were to be loaned out to another club and FC Twente receives a loan fee higher than its salary, Doyen would receive 50% of the profit on the loan fee.


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D. Scenario 5: Renewal of the player contract by Twente

The fourth scenario is also modified by the additional agreement signed on 25 February 2014. Under the original agreement, if the player renews his contract with FC Twente, Doyen simply keeps the same share of the economic rights for the total length of the new contract. However, Doyen does have the right to choose a new put option date or, importantly, simply stick to the old put option date (on the put option date see below scenario 6). Under the additional agreement, Doyen also has the possibility to request that the minimum fee be paid by FC Twente. 


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E. Scenario 6: The Put Option

In the ERPA, Doyen and FC Twente have agreed a put option, this alternative is covered in Scenario 5. A put option is a right given to Doyen to sell back its share of the economic rights linked to a player at FC Twente, at a given date and for a given price. The put option date was set at 31 August 2015 for all seven players of Twente(see table 1). To use a concrete example, Ebecilio was not sold before 31 August 2015. In fact, he currently still plays for FC Twente. In accordance with the particular conditions of the ERPA, Doyen had the right to sell to FC Twente its share of the economic rights of Ebecilio, and FC Twente would have the obligation to buy back those rights, for a fixed put option fee. According to Table 1, the put option fee for Ebecilio is €780.000. Whether Doyen actually exercised this option in the Ebecilio case is not clear, but it would have guaranteed the investment company a profit of €180.000. 


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F. Scenario 7: The player is unable to remain a professional football player

Point 8 of the ERPA foresees that FC Twente shall enter into a policy with an insurance company insuring the risk of the player’s death and the risk of the player suffering an incapacitating injury or any injury which may patently reduce the player’s ability as a professional football player. In the case of such events, Doyen will receive an amount equal to the put option fee, irrespective of whether the insurance policy claims are lower or higher than the put option fee.

 

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G. Scenario 8: The player becomes a free agent

Point 9.1 of the ERPA stipulates that FC Twente “shall use its best endeavors to prevent the Player from becoming a free agent and acknowledges that such endeavors are considered normal and ordinary business practice for professional football clubs”. The notion of “best endeavors” remains undefined and mysterious. Nonetheless, in the case a player’s contract expires and he becomes a free agent, FC Twente will be obliged to pay Doyen the minimum fee agreed in the particular conditions (see table 1). 

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H. Scenario 9: The economic rights are assigned to a third-party

After the signature of the ERPA, it is still possible to trade the economic rights attached to the same players with third parties. However, if Doyen wishes to sell the economic rights of one of the seven players, it would firstly have to offer those rights back to FC Twente on the same conditions as those that would be offered to third parties. Moreover, Doyen may not assign any share of the players’ economic rights to any Dutch club or to any other third party which is not suitable to hold them. In turn, should FC Twente wish to sell (part of) the remaining economic rights of a player, it would firstly have to offer these rights to Doyen before offering them to another assignee. 

 

Scenario9.jpg (51.1KB)

I. Scenario 10: Termination of the contract by the player without just cause

Final scenario, if the player terminates his contract without just cause (see Article 17 FIFA RSTP), the ERPA foresees that FC Twente shall pursue a claim for unlawful termination of the employment contract against the player before any competent judicial institution.[2] If the relevant judicial body grants compensation to FC Twente, Doyen will get a share of the compensation equivalent to its share of the economic rights of the player. In the event the share of the compensation awarded to Doyen is less than the minimum fee, FC Twente will have to match the minimum fee. 

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III. The aftermath of the ERPA

On 26 November 2015, FC Twente told the Dutch press that it had bought off the TPO contract with Doyen. On that same day, footballleaks published a Settlement Agreement between Doyen and FC Twente. According to this settlement, the parties agreed to terminate the ERPA on the condition that Twente would pay to Doyen a compensation of €3.344.519. Whether the settlement agreement was signed by the two parties remains unknown since it does not include a date nor any signatures.

What is known is what happened to the seven players whose economic rights were partly sold to Doyen. Based on the information provided by the German website http://www.transfermarkt.de/, we made the following table summarizing the situation:



Since the signing of the ERPA (27 December 2013), five players have been transferred to other football clubs and two (Eghan and Ebecilio) are still under contract at FC Twente. Two players, Tadic and Promes, were sold for a relatively high fee (€13 million and €11.4 million respectively). For Tadic’s transfer, it is known that Doyen received a 10% of the transfer, since the fee was higher than the minimum fee. In fact, footballleaks provides a document called “Liquidation of Economic Rights Participation - Tadic”, holding that Doyen received €1.091.250 from Tadic’s €13 million transfer to English side Southampton. Doyen’s interest in Tadic was 10%. In principle this would mean that Doyen would receive 10% of €13 million, i.e. €1.3 million. However, based on article 7.2. of the ERPA, agent fees, solidarity contributions and the claim of another club (Groningen) were deducted to arrive at the final figure. The same process will have applied to the transfer of Promes.

Castaignos, Chikh and Mokhtar were sold for relatively low transfer fees (€2.5 million, €1.5 million and €1 million respectively). It is now possible to predict what truly happened to Doyen’s share of Castaignos’ economic rights. As Doyen’s share of the economic rights attached to Castaignos was 50% (see table 1), it should get €1.25 million (50% of €2.5 million). However, the particular conditions also stipulate that in such a case Doyen would be awarded the minimum fee, on 1 July 2015 it amounted to €1.8 million. Because Doyen’s share of Castaignos’ transfer fee (€1.25 million) is lower than the minimum fee (€1.8 million), it probably received the latter.

As to Ebecilio and Eghan, both remained at FC Twente after the put option date passed (31 August 2015), whether Doyen exercised its put option or not remains unknown. If Doyen has exercised this option, it would have received €780.000 for Ebecilio and €650.000 for Eghan.

Typically, these fees are not paid immediately at the date of the transfer. Instead the payment is divided in separate instalments. It is possible (even likely in light of its price tag), but we lack definite information on this point, that the settlement agreement between Doyen and FC Twente covers all outstanding instalments regarding previous transfers.  


IV. Is the ERPA in breach of KNVB and FIFA Regulations?

The Dutch media is full of rumours about the terrible things that are about to happen to FC Twente. Is the club going to go bankrupt? Or, will it be “only” losing more points in an already difficult battle to save its place in the Eredivisie? Until now, with few exceptions, very little substantial legal analysis has been provided. The KNVB and FIFA are the two main private regulators susceptible of going after FC Twente, though UEFA has also been mentioned in the press, but we are unable to identify under which legal basis it could get involved in the matter. One thing is certain, entering an ERPA with Doyen is a losing bet for a club. It takes huge financial risks and is the only actor facing disciplinary sanctions as Doyen escapes the jurisdiction of the football associations.

  

A. Has FC Twente breached the rules of the KNVB?

Pursuant to Article 57(1) of the KNVB Regulations, it is prohibited for clubs to reach any agreement that allows a third party to influence the club’s independence regarding the transfers of players. This provision is a mandatory transposition by the Dutch FA, as provided by article 1.3 of the FIFA Regulations on the Status and Transfer of Players (RSTP), of article 18bis RSTP (See below). The KNVB has stated that it was aware of the existence of the ERPA between FC Twente and Doyen and that it even intervened to prevent unauthorized influence by Doyen. However, the Dutch FA was apparently not informed of the existence of the additional agreement signed between Doyen and FC Twente and a KNVB insider was quoted saying that those provisions “appear to show that Doyen does exert influence on FC Twente”. Yet, at the time of writing, it remains unclear whether FC Twente is subjected to a formal investigation by the KNVB.

In fact, the difference between the original agreement and the additional agreement is flagrant and crucial. In the former case FC Twente was entirely free to refuse a transfer offer whatever its amount, while, in the latter, if an offer reached a minimum amount, the club was forced to sell the player or to pay out Doyen’s share on the offer. At this point in time, all parties must have been perfectly conscious that FC Twente was unable to disburse any cent to buy back the economic rights owned by Doyen. Hence, its transfer policy was entirely at the goodwill of the investment fund and the potential buyers. The fact that FC Twente did not disclose the additional agreement to the KNVB obviously vindicates this assessment. Moreover, the latest release by footballleaks shows that the original ERPA signed in December 2013 included some of the most controversial provisions regarding transfers. These were later redacted out of the agreement and inserted in the additional agreement, probably to circumvent the control of the KNVB. It will be extremely difficult for the KNVB to deny that Doyen exercised a substantial influence on FC Twente’s transfer decisions regarding the players subjected to the ERPA. The potential sanctions are listed in Article 11 of the License Regulations (page 78-90 of the KNVB Regulations) and include a fine, a points deduction or withdrawal of the license. Having in mind the severe financial situation FC Twente finds itself in, this could lead to the full-blown bankruptcy of the club. 


B. Has FC Twente breached the FIFA Regulations?

FC Twente might be facing a FIFA sanction as well. As everybody knows by now, the FIFA ban on TPO entered into force on 1 May 2015.[3] However, the ERPA between FC Twente and Doyen is not falling under the ban, as it is not applicable retroactively. Hence, its conformity to FIFA regulations can only be assessed in relation to the FIFA Regulations on the Status and Transfer of Players (RSTP) in force at the signature of the ERPA. Back then article 18bis of the RSTP on third-party influence on clubs provided that: 


1.      No club shall enter into a contract which enables any other party to that contract or any third party to acquire the ability to influence in employment and transfer-related matters its independence, its policies or the performance of its teams.

2.     The FIFA Disciplinary Committee may impose disciplinary measures on clubs that do not observe the obligations set out in this article.


The whole legal debate will hinge, as for KNVB proceedings, on whether Doyen had the ability to influence the policy of FC Twente in employment and transfer-related matters. As we have argued above, the agreement points a loaded financial gun at FC Twente’s head each time a transfer offer of a certain amount is made, or when the club wishes to renew the contract of a player subjected to the ERPA. There is very little doubt that the transfer policy of a club in financial difficulties will be directly influenced by an investor, which can financially pull the plug on the club at virtually any time if it refuses to sell a player for a certain fee. The problem now for FIFA (and KNVB) will be to find an appropriate sanction for the club. It is the only party facing disciplinary proceedings (Doyen is out of FIFA or KNVB’s disciplinary reach). In the end, the supporters and players are the victims of a gross mismanagement of the club’s affairs due to the hubris of an irresponsible president. FIFA will also have to decide whether the many other ERPAs signed by Doyen (you can find a probably incomplete list of Doyen’s investment in players here), which include similar provisions (see Doyen’s model ERPA here) are also in breach of article 18bis. If yes, and we think there is no reason to decide otherwise, then a number of clubs (think Atletico, Sporting or Porto) might face  FIFA (or national FA) sanctions in the near future. This case is not ending with FC Twente, it is about all the clubs that have signed an ERPA with Doyen Sport in the past.

Additionally, it is also possible that FC Twente be found in breach of Annexe 3 of the FIFA RSTP, which regulates the use of the FIFA ‘Transfer Matching System’ (TMS) in the case of a transfer. The TMS is an online system that intends to make international transfers of players between clubs quicker, smoother and more transparent. Under article 4.4 of Annexe 3, in case FC Twente transfers a player (five of the players concerned by the ERPA have been transferred), it must introduce in the FIFA TMS a ‘Declaration on third-party payments and influence’. It is thinkable that FC Twente did not include the full ERPA in the TMS system and might also, therefore, face the FIFA sanctions provided in article 9.4 of the Annexe.

In a nutshell, FC Twente is now in deep(er) trouble because it decided to play Maltese roulette with a ruthless investor.



[1] In fact, the KNVB has already deducted six points from FC Twente in the 2014/15 season for financial mismanagement.

[2] Point 9.4 of the ERPA.

[3] More information on the TPO ban can be found in our previous Bogs, such as “Blog Symposium: FIFA’s TPO ban and its compatibility with EU competition law – Introduction”.

Comments (5) -

  • Tukker

    12/8/2015 9:34:27 AM |

    How come every article, blog or comment on this issue manages to leave out an important aspect of the (alleged) second agreement between Doyen en FC Twente.

    In case FC Twente would have decided not to accept an offer for any of the seven players involved, the club would have had to pay a fee to Doyen IN TURN for FULL ownership of the player. It is - from a financial perspective -  equivalent to the put option in the first agreement, albeit against market value in stead of a minimal transfer value. As far as I know, the first agreement - including these put options - have passed the dutch FA's scrutiny .

    So in case of an offer, the club would have been left with an assessment. Does the club expect the current offer to be the best offer attainable now and in the near future? Then FC Twente should sell. Any club would do this, contract or not. In case FC Twente deems the offer not the best achievable now or in the near future, the club should not sell and pay the fee to Doyen in turn for full ownerhsip. This actually leaves the club in a better situation than under the contract in financial terms.

    This does not  mean, however, that the contract itself should have ever been signed, or that the second agreement - if it turns out to be valid - should have been hidden from the dutch FA's eyes. But that is a different story

    • Antoine Duval

      12/9/2015 11:05:21 AM |

      I see your point. The fact that FC Twente gets back the rights is implicit in our blog.

      The problem is that it if forced to buy back. Thus, if it can't and everybody involved must have known FC Twente was financially at the verge of bankrupcy then it means the club lost its control over transfers and the influence of Doyen is hardly deniable.

      • Tukker

        12/9/2015 10:05:31 PM |

        That, I think, is an assumption. Let's say Twente would have refused an offer for Tadic of 12 million in 4 yearly installments (and would only do so if the club expect to be able to sell at a higher price in the near future) would the 300.000 per installment really have been insurmountable? Do we know that for a fact? Maybe with the knowledge of today. In any case, the dutch FA had already approved the put option in the december agreement. That is, in fact, also forcing the club to buy back the right.  If your reasoning applies, and the club really could not afford to do so, it would also be forced to sell. I cannot see the principal difference there. Why would something apparantly legal in december, be illegal two months later

        • Antoine Duval

          12/9/2015 10:37:28 PM |

          It seems to me a relatively safe assumption (especially for any insider involved in signing such a deal). Would FC Twente not have been in a very difficult financial position, it would have gone to a bank to get a way less risky and costly loan.  

          Regarding the put option. I guess I'd agree with you that it is also susceptible to influence FC Twente's transfer policy (and even more so the free agency fee). It is just less obvious (and I guess that is why only the additional agreement was apparently not submitted to the KNVB) as it is not directly linked to a transfer offer.  

  • Tukker

    12/11/2015 9:54:18 PM |

    I would argue that 300.000 in August as an installment is quite different from 5 million mid-season. In any case, it seems to me it is the club's financial position that forces it to sell players (as we have have witnessed this year), not the agreement -as bad as it is - by itself

Comments are closed