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The International Cricket Council and its human rights responsibilities to the Afghanistan women's cricket team - By Rishi Gulati

Editor's note: Dr Rishi Gulati is Associate Professor in International Law at the University of East Anglia (UK) and Barrister in Law. He has a PhD from King’s College London, Advanced Masters in Public International Law from Leiden University, and a Bachelor of Laws from the Australian National University. Amongst other publications, he is the author of Access to Justice and International Organisations (Cambridge University Press, 2022). He has previously worked for the Australian Government, has consulted for various international organizations, and regularly appears as counsel in transnational cases.

On 1 December 2024, Jay Shah, the son of India’s powerful Home Minister and Modi confidante Amit Shah, will take over the role of the Independent Chair of the International Cricket Council (ICC). This appointment reflects the influence India now has on the governance of cricket globally. A key test Jay Shah will face is whether or not the ICC should suspend the Afghanistan Cricket Board (ACB) from its membership as Afghanistan no longer maintains a women’s cricket team contrary to the organization’s own rules, as well as its human rights responsibilities. 

The Post-Taliban Situation for Women’s Cricket in Afghanistan

As is well known, following the highly chaotic US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, the Taliban returned to power in that country. Since its return, the Taliban has banned education for young women and teenage girls, severely restricted their right to work, outlawed women’s voices being raised in public, issuing at least 100 decrees and edicts institutionally and systematically violating Afghan women and girls’ basic freedoms recognised in international law. 

In June 2024, the UN Special Rapporteur on human rights in Afghanistan said that “[t]he system of discrimination, segregation, disrespect for human dignity and exclusion institutionalized by the Taliban is motivated by and results in a profound rejection of the full humanity of women and girls.” It should then come as no surprise that women in Afghanistan are not allowed to play domestic cricket in that country any more. Further, the Afghanistan women’s cricket team no longer plays international cricket for the Taliban does not allow it. All the gains made in the pre-Taliban period, where the sport in that country had made genuine advances, were lost in a moment.

The ICC’s obligations to Afghanistan Women’s Cricket

As a global body that regulates international cricket, the ICC rightly enjoys independence in its working. However, this independence does not mean that the ICC should be unaccountable and be able to evade or avoid its human rights responsibilities. In respect of its obligations to Afghanistan’s women cricket, it cannot be said that the ICC is living up to those responsibilities.

Indeed, global sporting bodies are powerful transnational institutions to whom the most basic human rights obligations ought to apply. Amongst other things, the UN Guiding Principles on Business and Human Rights (UNGPs) which some sports bodies have voluntarily adopted require them to ensure compliance with internationally recognised human rights standards, including on non-discrimination, and the need to provide an effective remedy to those adversely affected (see especially Principles 11-29 of the UNGPs).

Although the words “human rights” do not appear in its Articles of Association (the ICC is incorporated as a company limited by guarantee in the British Virgin Islands), the organization’s own rules do indeed facilitate non-discriminatory participation of women in the sport, albeit in a roundabout way. 

ICC members, which the ACB is, must be run independently, i.e., without government interference (para. 2.4, ICC Articles). If there is governmental interference, then the member cannot maintain its membership (para. 2.8, ICC Articles). Specifically on women’s participation in the sport, where pathways for women’s cricket are lacking, and a member does not maintain a women’s cricket team, its membership ought to be suspended for this would appear to constitute a serious breach of its obligations as a Member (para. 2.10, ICC Articles; also see the ICC membership criteria).

Due to the Taliban’s ban on women’s sport, interference in the ACB’s affairs is manifest. Crucially, there are no pathways for girls and women to play cricket in Afghanistan, with that country failing to maintain a women’s cricket team. There is a clear basis for suspending the Afghanistan Cricket Board (ACB) from its membership. As Goldschmidt has explained, “Afghanistan, on even the loosest assessment, is not meeting the requirements prescribed by the ICC’s governance arrangements. 

While it would be preferrable if the ICC were to expressly adopt human rights principles in its governance arrangements, in the case at hand, its current framework already allows it to live-up to the organization’s human rights responsibilities through a straightforward application of its rules. Afterall, South Africa was suspended from international cricket between 1970 and 1991 during the Apartheid regime in that country. But why is this double standard allowed to continue? 

How the ICC may respond to the conundrum?

It has been said, “the ICC has been keen to stress that it does not recognise the Taliban as the legitimate ruling authority, and hence will “not penalise the ACB, or its players, for abiding by the laws set by the government of their country.” It is perhaps understandable that the ICC wishes to ensure that Afghan men can continue to play international cricket, thus, expelling the ACB is a difficult proposition.

However, until women’s cricket is restored in Afghanistan, suspending the ACB from the ICC would be an apt action that is not only in line with its own rules, but entirely consistent with the organization’s human rights responsibilities. If taking a strong stance against what some call gender apartheid against girls and women in Afghanistan means that the men’s cricket team may not be able to participate in international cricket, then this is a price that must be paid. As unfortunate as this state of affairs may be, it does not constitute an exception to the ICC’s human rights responsibilities.

-This does not mean that Afghan men’s and women’s cricket teams cannot take part in cricket at all. Most women cricketers from that country fled to western states following the Taliban take-over. Representatives from the former Afghanistan women’s cricket team presently based in Australia requested the ICC for permission to play as an Afghan refugee team, stating: : “Creating a team of Afghan refugees can give us a chance to play, coach and administer a cricket team without borders…The creation of this team will allow all Afghan women who want to represent their country to come together under one banner.” 

An appropriate response would be to allow the establishment of a women’s refugee cricket team. There is nothing stopping the ICC to allow the men to do the same should the ACB be suspended. 

Doing so does not only help the ICC to abide by its human rights responsibilities, but also assists the organization to mitigate any potential issues arising with respect to cricket’s participation in the 2028 LA Olympics at which cricket will make a much awaited return. Indeed, the ICC is a member of the Olympic Movement, and given the International Olympic Committee’s increased emphasis on human rights considerations throughout its operations, the need for the ICC to live up to its human rights responsibilities is correspondingly pressing.

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Asser International Sports Law Blog | International and European Sports Law – Monthly Report – October 2019 by Thomas Terraz

Asser International Sports Law Blog

Our International Sports Law Diary
The Asser International Sports Law Centre is part of the T.M.C. Asser Instituut

International and European Sports Law – Monthly Report – October 2019 by Thomas Terraz

Editor's note: This report compiles the most relevant legal news, events and materials on International and European Sports Law based on the daily coverage provided on our twitter feed @Sportslaw_asser. 


The Headlines

International Sports Law Journal (ISLJ) Conference 2019

The T.M.C. Asser Institute and the Asser International Sports Law Centre held the third International Sports Law Journal (ISLJ) Conference on October 24-25. The Conference created a forum for academics and practitioners to discuss, debate and share knowledge on the latest developments of sports law. It featured six uniquely themed panels, which included topics such as ‘Transfer systems in international sports’ and ‘Revisiting the (in)dependence and transparency of the CAS’ to ‘The future of sports: sports law of the future’. The ISLJ Conference was also honored to have two exceptional keynote speakers: Moya Dodd and Ulrich Haas. To kick off the conference, Moya Dodd shared her experiences from an athlete’s perspective in the various boardrooms of FIFA. The second day was then launched by Ulrich Haas, who gave an incredibly thorough and insightful lecture on the importance, function and legal basis of association tribunals in international sport. For a detailed overview of this year’s ISLJ Conference, click here for the official conference report.

The Asser International Sports Law Centre was delighted to have been able to host another great edition of the ISLJ Conference and is thankful to all the participants and speakers who made this edition such a success.

Moving towards greater transparency: Launch of FIFA’s Legal Portal

On October 31, FIFA announced that it was introducing a new legal portal on its website that will give greater access to numerous documents that previously were kept private. FIFA explains that this is in order to help increase its transparency, which was one of the key ‘Guiding Principles’ highlighted in FIFA 2.0: The Vision for the Future released in 2016. This development comes as many sport governing bodies face increasing criticism for the opacity of its judicial bodies’ decisions, which can have tremendous economic and societal impacts. The newly available documents will include: ‘decisions rendered on the merits by the FIFA Disciplinary Committee and the FIFA Appeal Committee (notified as of 1 January 2019); decisions rendered on the merits by the FIFA Ethics Committee (notified since 1 January 2019); decisions rendered on the merits by the FIFA Players’ Status Committee and the FIFA Dispute Resolution Chamber; non-confidential CAS awards in proceedings to which FIFA is a party (notified since 1 January 2019); list of CAS arbitrators proposed by FIFA for appointment by ICAS, and the number of times they have been nominated in CAS proceedings’. The list of decisions from all the aforementioned bodies are updated every four months, according to their respective webpages. However, time will ultimately tell how consistently decisions are published. Nevertheless, this move is a major milestone in FIFA’s journey towards increasing its transparency.

Hong Kong Protests, Human Rights and (e)Sports Law: The Blizzard and NBA controversies

Both Blizzard, a major video game developer, and the NBA received a flurry of criticism for their responses to persons expressing support for the Hong Kong protests over the past month. On October 8, Blizzard sanctioned Blitzchung, a professional Hearthstone player who expressed support of the Hong Kong protest during a post-match interview, by eliminating the prize money he had won and suspending him for one year from any Hearthstone tournament. Additionally, Blizzard will cease to work with the casters who conducted the interview. With mounting disapproval over the sanctions,  J. Allen Brack, the president of Blizzard, restored the prize money and reduced the period of ineligibility to 6 months.

The NBA controversy started when Daryl Morey, the general manager of the Houston Rockets, tweeted his support for the protests in Hong Kong. The tweet garnered much attention, especially in China where it received a lot of backlash, including an announcement from CCTV, the official state broadcaster in China, that it was suspending all broadcasts of the NBA preseason games. In attempts to appease its Chinese audience, which is a highly profitable market for the NBA, Morey deleted the tweet and posted an apology, and the NBA responded by saying that the initial tweet was ‘regrettable’. Many scolded these actions and accused the NBA of censorship to which the NBA Commissioner, Adam Silver, responded that the NBA remains committed to freedom of expression.

Both cases highlighted how (e)sport organizations may be faced with competing interests to either guarantee greater protection of human rights or to pursue interests that perhaps have certain financial motivations.


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